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Tercera Parte. Whether such interrogation opens up a desirable future, is the very heart of this important book. The aftermath of these watershed moments has led to what is now a permanent state of crisis. Irreducible in style and geopolitical demarcations, all these anti-literary projects negotiate language within the limits of its own materiality while assuming a writing of finitude.

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Therefore, against the Boom as an ideological critique towards state building on one hand, and testimonio as exception to high literary sovereignty on the other, Shellhorse proposes anti-literature as posthegemonic experimentation through affect and the sensorium. Whereas testimonio demanded hegemonic filiation until the triumphant victory, anti-literature endorses the post-hegemonic in the face of defeat.

This is why, it is important that Shellhorse tells us very late in the book:. What is at issue is precisely this: the concept of anti-literature need not restrict itself to an avant-garde, modernist paradigm of the arts. Rather an approach to the anti-literary entails reconceptualizing the problem of writing as a sensory procedure and perpetual force.

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This is his secret posthegemonic cabinet, just like everyone has his or her own. The polyphonic assemblage regime of tones and signs is also irreducible to a life , to any life, that belongs to the student and professor of literature in the exercise of the imagination.

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And as I see it, this is what the anti-literature tries to register so suitably to us. Yet, at first sight there appears as a latent paradox in the book, and it is a problem that I would like to convey, since it remains of one the strong effects of its reading upon me. Of course, I can only hope to solve it in my own name and style, and I hope that others find their own ways to wrestle with the problem. Basically, the problem could be advanced in this way: if we are in a present condition of interregnum, of the total transitional epoch in the field within a larger transformation that Moreiras has called full machination through the principle of general equivalence, where anything is replaceable and interchangeable, why does the book offers yet another frame to re-invent literary studies?

It is difficult to name anything interesting in contemporary literature nothing that can compare with the Boom , and the fact that we keep reading Lezama Lima or Haroldo de Campos or Borges, bears witness to the aftereffect of being able to establish some livable relation with nihilism at the end of literature. Shellhorse does well to inscribe this important symptom in a crucial moment at the end of the book, which opens to an important discussion:.

Literature becomes anti-literature when it subverts itself. I would like to advance the thesis that Anti-literature as a project comes to us in the form of what I would call a friendly katechon. At same time, anti-literature has a reformist undertone, in the theological sense of celebration and transformation through transference. But it is a katechon to the extent that Anti-literature retains and delays the temporal disappearance of the evermore so irrelevance of literature.

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The reason is fairly simple: to the extent that we have literature, there is always already excess to every hegemonic phantasm, and that is enough to retain literature as a residual condition for thought, even when we move beyond textualism or politization. Like Carl Schmitt, who appears in Ex captivate salus , as the last conscious representative of Modern European Law of Nations, Shellhorse appears to us as the last existential witness of the literary in the form of the anti-literary. But like an Anti-Schmittian, he does not succumb in the myth of political theology and Empire.

His katechon can only be one of friendship: in the love of the text, and for the friendship of an-other to come. Anyone, at any time. The friendly katechon does not seek what Nietzsche called the antiquarian relation to History, but rather a reflexive and disinterested democratic thinking. Shellhorse explicitly sets foot on this trail this in his reading of De Campos at the very end of the book which I would like also to de-center from the given messianism :.

But can the Poem be a secondary substitute before the ruin, a safeguard against tripping into the abyss? It is useful to paraphrase Derrida here to remember that, neither the poem nor deus absconditus , neither decorative baroque nor the messianic community, neither the experimental sensorium nor philosophy of history, can exert as hyperbolic condition of any possible living democratic construction [3]. Anti-literature as friendly katechon, keeps this unavowable promise as its dearest secret that nourishes from the democratic expectancy in an incalculable waiting.

A politics among friends? It could well be, but only with the caveat that like friends, literature also comes like a stranger late in the day.

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  • Will it come again? The friendly invitation of anti-literature confronts us, once more, as a lux acarna. We only hope that it is not too late, and that another path could open in the very place of what has always been. Alberto Moreiras. Enero 17, It should not be understood from an ontological, substantialist, metaphysical point of view.

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    • Baroque, paradoxically, means non-infancy. A non-infancy. Panagiotis Christias has recently offered a very interesting reading of the figure of the katechon in a platonic key, in which he suggests that the restrainer stands against potential rise of tyranny, thus making the Philosopher, the Greek antecedent of the katechon fearing the disintegration of the polis. To what extent philosophy can deter anomia today is a completely different question.

      I am interested in the figure of the Philosopher as metonymic for life as it converges with passion without sacrifice. Hoy debo admitir que ya no — trato de hacer mi trabajo lo mejor posible, claro, pero algo ha cambiado.

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      Hoy ese goce, en la universidad, solo es ya posible contrauniversitariamente. Se piensa siempre en otro-lado. Y hoy, ya no perdemos nada con intentarlo. Organized by Jon Beasley-Murray. It might be a good ocassion to say upfront that the waning of the progressive cycle in Latin America will most likely revive old affective demands and well-known pieties that the Left never affords to give up.

      Can the paralysis of politics be something other than hunting or resistance? Recently, high profile figures of the so-called Pink Tide governments have also voiced a sense of political stagnation and defunct space to reignite the original rhythm that took place at the turn of the century. The deficiency of a visible political vista means that we are in times of interregnum; a time when the modern epochality is left behind and a new one that has yet to materialize.

      The interregnum describes an extraneous temporality that fissures the antinomies of architectonics of modern politics — autorictas and potestas, constituent and constituted power, legitimacy and legality — carrying the very economy between thought and action in a threshold of indeterminacy. At the closure of epochality we are obliged to rethink once again the limits of the Latinamericanist conditions of reflection in light of the contemporary transformation of the space or object of knowledge that we call Latin America.

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      The post-subalternist option largely depends on the temporalization of the State-people alliance, which leaves pressing questions relative to State form and patterns of accumulation untouched, or any excess that disrupts the culturalist consensus at the heart of every hegemonic articulation. In a rather counterintuitive way, the post-sulbanternist option reenacts the decionism from the instrumentalization of the state as the exception to post-sovereign capital in the name of the people.

      Ultimately, post-subalternist alliance curbs posthegemonic temporal intrusion, which forces a relentless displacement of its object of identification to disregard the constitutive tragic repetition of the fissure in its closure. Post-subalternism is an attempt to reawake the specter of hegemony from the ruins of the political: from the inside it stands politics of subjectivization by the State, and from the outside, as a metapolitical form of order katechon to detain internal social explosion Williams For both Gutierrez Aguilar and Salazar Lohman, the communitarian horizon requires breaking away from the dichotomy of civil society and State in order to relocate the temporal vitality of an autonomous re-production of life and the re-appropriation of that which the state has expropriated from communal property.

      However, if the communitarian form is not determined a priori by domination and capital, why is the emancipatory potential of the communitarianism emphasized solely on the basis of re-appropriation of what is valorized in the State? Communitarism, then, re-translates use-value as locational propriety. However, counter-hegemonic subjective vitalism is already captured by the plasticity of financial subjectivization.

      Thus, this new vitalism framed solely as resistance only lifts political imagination to the domain of stasis or civil war already taking place in the territories, in which the struggle for subsistence takes the form of a neo-Francicanism eschatology minimal relation to propriety immanent to the financial subaltern bodies. I would like to suggest that the two reflexive options sketched above, that of a post-subaltern state and the particular communitarian horizon, coincide in fashioning a politics of resistance after the closure of hegemonic principles.

      At the same time, the failure of hegemonic theory in the region is in this sense neither accidental nor limited to the temporalization of the so-called progressive cycle, since it also characteristic of the phenomenology of the originary fissure in the State form over the last two hundred years. A phantasm is hegemonic when an entire culture relies on it as if it provided that in the name of which one speaks and acts. In this sense, communitarianism and state hegemony are not just contending procedures of political decisionism, but more importantly, the two poles of a same structure waged on life as ultimate referent.

      To the extent that is waged on life, there has always been hegemony, although only as a phantasmatic economy to flatten and systematically erase the time of the tragic, whenever it appears to interrupt and ascend into the political principle. This is the time of the singular that is neither reducible to a subject in the eventfulness of history a movement, a people or a multitude , nor a cultural schematization of identity and difference.

      The challenge for thought is necessarily post-hegemonic, which I define as the potentiality for institutionalization of the tragic singularity in the anomic epoch of neoliberal administration. It is no coincide that both communitarian and hegemonic options define themselves against institutions, and they both respond to the moment of crisis of political epochality. A reformulation of an institutional form can mediate the ever-present pendulum movement that oscillates from neoliberal deregulation to the populist anti-institutionalism and back.

      Since populism is always a decision on a concrete existential situation, it always remains attached to the perpetuity of the state of crisis as a decision made on and for life understood in the Greek sense of krisis as judgment. As such, populism is the temporality of expropriation, and its process of abstractation into finite demands coincides with the money form general equivalent that structures the contemporary financial body of the living.

      This was the promise and the stakes. As the populist interpellation between friend and enemy evaporates in each political cycle, the price to be paid is life as thetic communitarian identity formation or as counter-hegemonic biopolitical vitalism. A posthegemonic institutionality for post-hegemonic times seeks the thinking of another relation with the political that is not reducible to the principle of a hegemonic phantasm as the oblivion of its own excess to equivalence. But perhaps more importantly here is how to think a posthegemonic institutional form that that would break away from the indeterminate concrescence of law as always already short-handed for internal exceptionality in order to redirect and put in motion the temporality of development. Thus, a posthegemonic institutionality will thrive to move beyond a notion of interruption or an insurrectionary moment dispensed in the phantasm of hegemony. The crucial distinction here is a temporal one: living against life or death.